16-09-02 -- Summary Of Essay Nine Part Two:

 How Petty Bourgeois Theorists And Dialectical Materialism Have Damaged Marxism




In what follows, I take the results of other Essays (but particularly Essays Nine Part One and Ten Part One) published at this site for granted.


If you are using Internet Explorer 10 (or later), you might find some of the links I have used won't work properly unless you switch to 'Compatibility View' (in the Tools Menu); for IE11 select 'Compatibility View Settings' and then add this site (anti-dialectics.co.uk).


Any readers who find even this summary a little too long, I have posted a much shorter version of some of its main points here.




This is an Introductory Essay, which has been written for those who find the main Essays either too long, or too difficult. It doesn't pretend to be comprehensive since it is simply a summary of the core ideas presented at this site. Most of the supporting evidence and argument found in each of the main Essays has been omitted. Anyone wanting more details, or who would like to examine my arguments and evidence in full, should consult the Essay for which this is a précis. [That can be found here.]


Readers would be wrong conclude from its title that this Essay is all about a certain philosophical theory and its effect on Marxism; it is just as much about the class origin and class position of the founders of our movement, and those who control it today, as it is about that theory. [See the Abstract.]


As such it breaks entirely new ground, as anyone who reads on will soon see, providing for the first time a historical materialist explanation why our movement so often fails and why much that we on the Revolutionary Left touch sooner or later becomes corrupted, and then turns into dust.


However, nothing said here is aimed at undermining Historical Materialism [HM] -- a theory I fully accept -- or, for that matter, revolutionary socialism. My aim is (A) To assist in the scientific development of Marxism by helping to demolish a dogma that has in my opinion seriously damaged our movement from its inception: Dialectical Materialism [DM] -- or, in its more political form, 'Materialist Dialectics' [MD] --, (B) To expose the links between this theory and the class origin and position of those who 'lead' our movement, and (C) To show how this combination has helped cripple revolutionary socialism.


On the difference between HM and DM/MD as I see it, see here.




The material presented below was largely written before (1) The 2007/08 crisis in UK-Respect developed, (2) The crises that have blown up in the intervening years, and (3) The crisis which is building inside the UK-SWP right now (January-April 2013).


[On the first two of the above, see for example, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here. I have added only a handful of comments about the latest crisis in the UK-SWP since there is very little solid information about it yet, as opposed page after page on the internet of rumour, speculation, gossip, exaggeration, slander, innuendo, and downright lies. What I have said can be found here, here, and here.]


Nevertheless, these untoward events were predictable given the things you will read below, as are the many more we will witness on the far-left in the coming years -- if we fail to learn the right lessons.




It is worth pointing out that phrases like "ruling-class theory", "ruling-class view of reality", and "ruling-class ideology" (used at this site in connection with Traditional Philosophy and DM) aren't meant to imply that all or even most members of various ruling-classes actually invented this way of thinking or of seeing the world (although some of them did -- for example, Heraclitus, Plato, Cicero and Marcus Aurelius). They are intended to highlight theories (or "ruling ideas") that are conducive to, or which rationalise the interests of the various ruling-classes history has inflicted on humanity, whoever invents them. Up until recently this dogmatic approach to knowledge had almost invariably been promoted by thinkers who relied on ruling-class patronage, or who, in one capacity or another, helped run the system for the elite.


However, this will become the central topic of Parts Two and Three of Essay Twelve (when they are published; until then, the reader is directed here, here, and here, for further details.)


[Exactly how and why this applies to DM will, of course, be explained in the other Essays published at this site (especially here, here, and here). In addition to the three links in the previous paragraph, I have summarised the argument (but this time aimed at absolute beginners!) here.]


A summary of my overall objections to DM/MD can be found here; the reason why I embarked on this project (back in 1998) is outlined here. Anyone puzzled by the unremittingly hostile tone I have adopted toward DM/MD should read this first for an explanation.


In what follows I am dealing with all forms of Dialectical Marxism and not just with Dialectical Trotskyism (or even with the ideology of the UK-SWP!). Some of the things I have to say therefore apply to all forms of Dialectical Marxism, while all of them apply to some.


[On the almost identical use of DM/MD by all wings of Dialectical Marxism (and this is aimed at countering the view that Stalinists, for example, use a 'wooden' and 'dogmatic' form of the dialectic -- in fact, they are all wooden and dogmatic), see here and here.]


Finally, since I am challenging deeply entrenched ideas, it isn't possible to give a clear, comprehensive or coherent summary of my overall analysis in a handful of paragraphs. In which case, the reader's indulgence is required while I continue to develop the argument -- even in précis form!


Readers who find my arguments below superficial and/or unconvincing need to remember that this is a brief summary of a much longer Essay!



Quick Links


Anyone using these links must remember that they will be skipping past supporting argument and evidence set out in earlier sections.


If your Firewall/Browser has a pop-up blocker, you will need to press the "Ctrl" key at the same time or these and the other links won't work!


I have adjusted the font size used at this site to ensure that even those with impaired vision can read what I have to say. However, if the text is still either too big or too small for you, please adjust your browser settings!


(1) Introduction


(a) Abstract


2) The Dialectics Of Consolation


(a) In Defeat, Don't Organise, Speculate


(b) Substitutionism Once More


(c) Dialectical Prozac


(d) Militant Martinets


(e) Salvation Through Good Works


(3) Dialectical Fragmentation


(a) Social Atoms Trying To Act Like Molecules


(b) Divide And Rule


(c) 'Building The Party' -- Through Constant Splits


(d) All Hale The Great Splitter


(e) The Road To Dialectical Damascus


(f) Defeat And Dialectical Druggies


(g) Disaster Central


(h) The Dialectical Magus


(i) Social Psychology Does Not Apply To The Dialectical Prophets


(j) Same Old Same Old


(4) Case Studies


(5) Fully Humanised Marxism


Summary Of My Main Objections To Dialectical Materialism


Abbreviations Used At This Site


Return To The Main Index Page


Contact Me






In this Part of Essay Nine I hope to show that:


(A) The class origin, education, and socialisation of leading Marxists -- in previous generations and contemporaneously -- predisposed them into viewing the world in a particular (but thoroughly traditional) way.


(B) The recruitment of such comrades into Marxism from non-working class backgrounds, alongside their subsequent career as 'professional revolutionaries', is largely responsible for the deeply sectarian nature of revolutionary socialism.


(C) Sectarianism isn't caused -- but it was seriously aggravated -- by a theory imported into the workers' movement from the work of that Christian and Hermetic Mystic, Hegel (upside down or 'the right way up'). This theory subsequently became Dialectical Materialism/'Materialist Dialectics' [DM/MD]. [Henceforth I will simply refer to DM, but readers should assume I mean either or both of these manifestations of Hegel's ideas.] This theory became a handy device for accusing practically every other Marxist, and Party, of (i) not "understanding" or (ii) "misusing" dialectics, which only succeeded in exacerbating and thus aggravating the petty-bourgeois sectarianism endemic in the movement.


(D) DM became useful in other ways, too. Because it teaches that 'appearances' are 'contradicted' by underlying 'essences' -- that is, how the world appears to be is the opposite of the way it really is -- it served as a convenient source of consolation for the fact that Dialectical Marxism has been so spectacularly unsuccessful for so long. It was able to do this since it convinces dialecticians that the history of Marxism is the opposite of the way it looks -- i.e., that it is a success because it has been tested in practice. This, despite the fact that history delivers a very clear contrary verdict.


(E) DM teaches that nature and society are 'contradictory', hence a scientific view the world must be contradictory, too. In which case, DM can be, and has been used to derive anything a theorist or party finds expedient and its opposite -- often this trick is performed by the very same theorist in the same article or speech --, simply because Marxist theory should be contradictory. Hence, this theory has been used to sell counter-revolutionary and anti-Marxist ideas to party cadres, justifying political U-turns, substitutionism, class collaboration, corruption, and anti-democratic party structures as a result.


Finally, it is important to add that I am not blaming the long-term failure of Dialectical Marxism solely on the acceptance of the Hermetic ideas dialecticians have imported from Hegel.


What is being claimed, however, is that adherence to this 'theory' is one of the subjective reasons why Dialectical Marxism has become a bye-word for failure.


There are other, objective reasons why the class enemy still runs the planet, but since revolutions require revolutionaries with ideas in their heads, this 'theory' must take some of the blame.


So, it is alleged here that dialectics has been an important contributory factor. However, the class origin and class position of those who have led our movement and who control its ideas are equally to blame.


All of the above, and more, will be substantiated fully in Essay Nine Part Two, the main points summarised below.




It is important to note from the start that the argument advanced in this Essay isn't as follows: (a) DM is false because it has helped ruin Marxism, but rather: (b) Since DM makes no sense, it is no big surprise that it has helped ruin Marxism.


In Part One of this Essay it was argued that:


(1) DM has to be substituted into workers' heads from the "outside" since it is based on an incomprehensible form of ruling-class ideology;


(2) DM depends neither on the experience of the Party, nor on that of the working class (because of point (1), above), and therefore that:


(3) DM constitutes the ideology of substitutionist elements in the workers' and revolutionary movement.


(4) This also theory also helps render dialectically-dominated parties and comrades insufferably arrogant, which prompts them into treating others in the movement (or even those in the same party) with dismissive  contempt, studied indifference, and often callous inhumanity. After all, if you are carriers and purveyors of 'cosmic truth', anyone who disagrees with you deserves ostracism or expulsion, at best, imprisonment or death, at worst. This 'dialectical' frame-of-mind also helps foster the idea that the party is infallible.


As I also pointed out in Part One:


Here lies the source of much of the corruption we see in Dialectical Marxism. If your core theory allows you to justify anything you like and its opposite (since it glories in contradiction), then your party can be as undemocratic as you please while you argue that it is 'dialectically' the opposite and is the very epitome of democratic accountability. It will also 'allow' you to claim that your party is in the vanguard of the fight against all forms of oppression, all the while covering up, ignoring, justifying, rationalising, excusing or explaining away sexual abuse and rape in that very same party. After all, if you are used to 'thinking dialectically', an extra contradiction or two is simply more grist to the dialectical mill!


And if you complain, well you just don't 'understand' dialectics...



Consolation And Dialectics


In Defeat, Don't Organise -- Speculate!


As it turns out, the reason why the majority of revolutionaries not only willingly accept the boss-class ideas encapsulated in DM/MD, but cling to them like terminally-insecure limpets, is connected with the following four inter-related considerations:


(1) Marx's analysis of the nature and origin of religious alienation.


(2) Lenin's warning that revolutionaries may sometimes respond to defeat and disappointment by turning to Idealism and Mysticism.


(3) The biographies and class origin of all leading Marxists and dialecticians.


(4) The fact that this theory not only helps mask the long-term failure of Dialectical Marxism, it provides a source of consolation for unrealised expectations and constantly dashed hopes.


These controversial allegations will now be explained more fully and then defended. How they have helped corrupt Dialectical Marxism will also be explained.


Marxists are well aware that there are those in the workers' movement who will seek consolation in the face of defeat, and that they often find this in Mysticism and Idealism.


Fortunately, Lenin himself supplied a materialist answer to this conundrum (i.e., why hard-headed revolutionaries and atheists seek consolation in the face of defeat), and John Rees kindly outlined it for us when he depicted the period following the failed 1905 Russian revolution in the following terms:


"[T]he defeat of the 1905 revolution, like all such defeats, carried confusion and demoralisation into the ranks of the revolutionaries…. The forward rush of the revolution had helped unite the leadership…on strategic questions and so…intellectual differences could be left to private disagreement. But when defeat magnifies every tactical disagreement, forcing revolutionaries to derive fresh strategies from a re-examination of the fundamentals of Marxism, theoretical differences were bound to become important. As Tony Cliff explains:


"'With politics apparently failing to overcome the horrors of the Tsarist regime, escape into the realm of philosophical speculation became the fashion….'


"Philosophical fashion took a subjectivist, personal, and sometimes religious turn…. Bogdanov drew inspiration from the theories of physicist Ernst Mach and philosopher Richard Avenarius…. [Mach retreated] from Kant's ambiguous idealism to the pure idealism of Berkeley and Hume….


"It was indeed Mach and Bogdanov's 'ignorance of dialectics' that allowed them to 'slip into idealism.' Lenin was right to highlight the link between Bogdanov's adoption of idealism and his failure to react correctly to the downturn in the level of the struggle in Russia." [Rees (1998), pp.173-79, quoting Cliff (1975), p.290. Bold emphases added. Quotation marks altered to conform to the conventions adopted at this site. (However, I can find no reference to "dialectics" in Cliff's book.)]


From this, it is quite clear that the experience of defeat (compounded by the lack of a democratic or materialist input from a mass working-class movement) re-focused prominent revolutionaries in the direction of Idealism and mystical explanations for the serious set-backs Russian Marxists had experienced post-1905. Plainly, this turn provided these comrades with some form of consolation -- just as Marx had alleged of religious belief pure and simple, and, indeed, as Lenin himself implied.


But, there is another outcome that Rees and others have clearly failed to notice: this major set-back also turned Lenin toward philosophy and dialectics. These were subjects which he had largely (but not entirely) ignored up until then. After 1905, they began to dominate his thought. So, while Bogdanov and the rest turned to Mach, Berkeley, Subjective Idealism and other assorted irrationalisms, it is equally clear that Lenin looked to Hegel and 'objective' Mysticism to counter their arguments and motivate his own analysis.


Nevertheless, Lenin's warning shows that revolutionaries themselves aren't immune to the pressures that lead human beings in general to seek consolation in order to counteract disappointment, demoralisation and alienation. As we have seen, Lenin was well aware that alien-class ideas, which 'satisfy' such needs, could enter the workers' movement from the "outside" at certain times.


However, those like Cliff and Rees who point such things out are themselves only immune from the baleful influence exerted by the metaphysical black hole represented by such consoling ideology if they can show that they are above the material constraints social life places on everyone else --, which, clearly, they aren't, and hence, plainly, they can't.


As we will see, dialecticians have indeed sought consolation in times of defeat -- something they regularly experience. They do this by turning to a theory that reassures them with comforting words: that Dialectical Marxism isn't a long-term failure but is, on the contrary, a ringing success -- because it has been 'tested in practice'. DM is uniquely well-placed in this regard since it teaches that appearances are "contradicted" by 'underlying realities'. Hence, even though Dialectical Marxism might appear to be an abject failure, to those with a well-focussed dialectical 'third eye' it is the very epitome of success.


Or, it is about to be, any day soon...


[Essay Ten Part One is devoted to substantiating these seemingly controversial allegations.]


There is in fact no reasoning with pathological optimism like this since it depends on a level of dislocation from reality that would shame a coma victim -- as anyone who has tried to slap some materialist good sense into dialectical day-dreamers can well attest. The fact that we have witnessed little other than defeat, disaster, retreat and set-back since the 1920s is brushed off as a mere blip. The dialectic will "spiral" back to save the day, under the ever watchful eye of the NON.


[NON = Negation of the Negation.]


While revolutionaries who have been recruited directly from the working-class appear to be less susceptible to this intellectual malaise, those entering our movement from other classes, it seems, are highly vulnerable in this regard. [Why that is so will be explained presently.] Unfortunately, the authors of the DM-classics weren't workers -- and neither were the Hermetic Philosophers upon whose ideas they have relied. And, in general, if we are honest, neither are those who lead the revolutionary movement today, and who thus control its ideas.


DM provides this professional layer with a form of intellectual consolation, which, among other things, reassures them that history (if not the entire dialectic of reality) is on their side -- despite the many material facts which every day openly contradict this rosy picture. DM 'allows' these individuals to account for, and then reconfigure their experience of constant defeat, rejection and failure as its opposite -- that is, as success in disguise, or, once more, as success about to happen any day soon.


In which case, recalcitrant reality doesn't refute dialectics, it confirms it!


Dialectics thus insulates militant minds from the unwelcome fact that their Idealist theory is refuted on a daily basis by disconfirming 'appearances'. That being so, there is no pressing need to question the core theory; after all, 'practice' confirms it.


So, the theory that helps engineer this disconnection is the very same theory that tells those whose brains it has colonised that nothing need be done to rectify the situation since there is in fact no problem that needs addressing!


Failure, even if it is so much as acknowledged, is blamed on 'objective' factors, on a 'failure of leadership' in those other 'sects' -- who, oddly enough, don't have the right "dialectical method", even though those on the receiving end say more-or-less the same things about their accusers in response.


Material reality is thus inverted so that in Ideal Form it now conforms to theory. Dialecticians ignore or explain away whatever fails to fit the Hermetic world-view inflicted on humanity by the Waffle-Meister, Hegel -- upside down or 'the right way up'.


Naturally, this ostrich-like stance also serves as a defence-mechanism, protecting the militant mind from the fact that workers in general reject the philosophical gobbledygook that the 'orthodox' constantly churn out.



Figure One: Dialectician Looking For

'Underlying Essences'


But, by doing this, dialecticians only succeed in engineering their continued rejection by the masses (why that is so was explained in Part One), ensuring that they waste their time in microscopic, insular and ineffective grouplets, whose inflated view of their own historical importance runs in inverse proportion to the genuine impact they have on the class struggle.


In this way, DM-theorists have only succeeded in obfuscating their rejection by workers; this they do with another dose of internally-generated dialectical spin. Viewing things from beneath these 'dialectical sand dunes', DM-adepts succeed in convincing themselves that workers en masse don't really reject dialectics. Far from it, they are in fact blinded by "empiricism", "formal thinking", "banal commonsense", and "commodity fetishism" -- or they have been bought off by 'Imperialist super-profits'; indeed, they suffer from "false consciousness".


Anything, rather than question the Dialectical Mantra.


Indeed, anything rather than admit that the Dialectical Gospel is a fraud. Unlike every other scientific theory, DM has never been revised to accommodate reality, reality has continually been inverted to conform to its eternal verities.


[We aren't, of course, speaking about HM here, but DM. On whether or not this is a bogus distinction, see here.]


Ironically, this means that in DM -- where lack of theoretical change is secured by its own internal contradictions -- there is no theoretical development, just the invention of yet more 'epicycles'.


In which case, it seems that the only thing in the entire universe that doesn't change through 'internal contradiction' is DM itself!


Any scientific theory that suffered continual refutation of this order of magnitude, and for so long, would be stone dead by now. But not DM; it remains miraculously the same generation on generation.


Dialecticians are thus living disproof of their own ideals: these 'apostles of change' never change.



Substitutionism Once More


The explanation for the importation of anti-materialist, ruling-class ideas into Marxism given below is consistently materialist, since it is based on the class origin of the DM-classicists themselves. In addition, their socialisation and education means that the DM-classicists found Hegelian concepts conducive to their Ideal view of the world.


This also helps explain why those who have consistently sought to substitute themselves for workers -- be they STDs, MISTs, OTs, NOTs, professional revolutionary (i.e., dé classé) 'intellectuals', activists, or Marxist academics -- are among the most avid DM-fans.


[STD = Stalinist Dialectician; OT = Orthodox Trotskyist; MIST = Maoist Theorist; NOT = Non-Orthodox Trotskyist.]


If, for whatever reason, it is thought that the working-class can't bring about socialism, dialecticians have almost invariably concluded that they need the assistance of other social forces -- Red Army tanks, Maoist or Guervarist guerrillas, "progressive" bourgeois nationalists, 'left-leaning' politicians, students, 'rainbow alliances', secret conspiratorial cadres, 'professional revolutionaries', 'radical intellectuals', etc., etc.


In such circumstances, and to such individuals, a boss-class theory that locates the proletariat at the bottom of the social and intellectual pecking order is going to look appealing. Or, more realistically, it is going to prove highly useful in helping to rationalise the further marginalisation and exclusion of the working class -- since that theory is both obscure and contradictory enough to 'justify' their continued oppression and exploitation (after the revolution), which is a pragmatic contradiction that only those who "understand" dialectics are capable of "grasping".


[As we will see, this is exactly how Stalin and Mao, for example, argued.]


Indeed, what better to serve in this way than a philosophical theory that appears to have Marx's stamp of approval (even though there is precious little evidence that he accepted it), whose presumed imprimatur 'allows' adherents to reconfigure inconvenient facts so they become their opposites, and which is then used to rationalise any course of action and its opposite, too -- DM?



Dialectical Prozac


Revolutionaries of the calibre of Engels, Lenin and Trotsky only turned to overt forms of DM when the revolutionary movement was in retreat. [The same is true, mutatis mutandis, of Stalin, Mao and many others -- including the UK-SWP. The evidence for this rather bold assertion can be found in the main Essay, here.]


Indeed, Hegel's original theory was itself invented to help account for the defeat of the French revolution, and hence the rise of Napoleon.


Dialectics is thus at once both the daughter of defeat and the father of failure.


In stark contrast, OTGs -- i.e., the old WRP (re-configured now as the MSF, among others groups), modern-day Spartacists, the scrag-end of the old Militant Tendency (or, more pointedly, Woods and Grant), alongside other assorted Trotskyist grouplets (like the AWL) -- regularly appeal to DM because their catastrophist view of everything that happens puts them in a permanently heightened, quasi-numinous, state of mind. With nothing but long-term failure staring them in the face, regular doses of Dialectical Methadone are required if belief is to be maintained that the revolution is just around the corner, despite appearances to the contrary.


[OTG = Orthodox Trotskyist Group; OT = Orthodox Trotskyist.]


Gerry Healy -- surely the annual winner of the Dialectical Gold Medal in all events -- went into frenetic, dialectical hyper-drive soon after his party booted him out in 1985.


The result? That towering monument to designer gobbledygook: Healy (1990).


This accounts not only for the quasi-religious fanaticism displayed by most OTs in defence of the sacred 'dialectic', it also explains their fondness for quoting DM-Scripture at erstwhile critics -- and at one another, over and over again.


[MISTs are also particularly adept at DM-Bible-bashing.]


As is the case with the openly religious, novelty is the main enemy -- in fact, among Dialectical Marxists, novelty is branded "Revisionism".



Militant Martinets


This mind-set is connected with the way that such individuals find their way into the revolutionary movement.


Unlike most worker-revolutionaries, professional revolutionaries have joined, or have been recruited into the socialist movement (by-and-large) as a result either of (i) Their own personal commitment to the revolution, (ii) Their rebellious personality, (iii) Their individual alienation from the system, or (iv) Because of other contingent psychological/social reasons --, but, significantly, not as a direct result of, or involvement in, the class war.


That is, they become revolutionaries through their own efforts, or those of some other individual (such as a parent, partner, sibling or friend), but not (in general) through direct participation in collective action, or in strikes (etc.) at their own work-place -- that is, if they work.


This means that from the beginning (again, by-and-large), because of their class position and non-working class upbringing, these revolutionaries think and act as individuals. This orientation has a knock-on effect; it (a) conditions the ideas they are capable of forming, (b) colours their attitude toward these ideas, (c) affects their activity inside the movement, and (d) slants the relationships they form with other revolutionaries and with workers themselves.


Such comrades thus enter the movement committed to the revolution as an Idea, as an expression of their own personal or intellectual integrity, their anger at the system, their idiosyncratic alienation or their individual life-goals. They haven't become revolutionaries for proletarian or materialist reasons --, that is, as a result of a direct experience of collective action, or as a direct consequence of workers' response to exploitation and oppression --, but for individualist, albeit, often very noble, reasons.


This isn't to malign such individuals; in merely serves to remind us that this is a class issue.


So, when these individuals encounter DM, it is quite 'natural' for them to latch on to its a priori theses. That is because, as Lenin noted, their class position has already delivered them up as atomised, socially-isolated individuals with no collective identity. This non-negotiable fact is further compounded by the additional fact that these individuals have had their heads filled with "ruling ideas" almost since the day they left the cradle -- which indoctrination was itself a direct result of their 'superior' education and bourgeois/petty-bourgeois socialisation.


I have summarised this point elsewhere in the following way (in answer to the question "Why is DM a world-view?"):


The founders of this quasi-religion [DM] weren't workers; they came from a class that educated their children in the Classics, the Bible, and Philosophy. This tradition taught that behind appearances there lies a 'hidden world', accessible to thought alone, which is more real than the material universe we see around us.

This way of viewing things was concocted by ideologues of the ruling-class. They invented it because if you belong to, benefit from or help run a society which is based on gross inequality, oppression and exploitation, you can keep order in several ways.

The first and most obvious way is through violence. This will work for a time, but it is not only fraught with danger, it is costly and it stifles innovation (among other things).

Another way is to win over the majority (or, at least, a significant section of 'opinion formers' (bureaucrats, judges, bishops, 'intellectuals', philosophers, teachers, administrators, editors, etc.) to the view that the present order either: (a) Works for their benefit, (b) Defends 'civilised values', (c) Is ordained of the 'gods', or (d) Is 'natural' and so can't be fought, reformed or negotiated with.

Hence, a world-view that rationalises one or more of the above is necessary for the ruling-class to carry on ruling "in the same old way". While the content of ruling-class thought may have changed with each change in the mode of production, its form has remained largely the same for thousands of years: Ultimate Truth (about this 'hidden world') is ascertainable by thought alone, and therefore can be imposed on reality
dogmatically and aprioristically.

So, the non-worker founders of our movement -- who had been educated from an early age to believe there was just such a 'hidden world' lying behind 'appearances', and which governed everything -- when they became revolutionaries, looked for 'logical' principles relating to this abstract world that told them that change was inevitable, and was thus part of the cosmic order. Enter dialectics, courtesy of the dogmatic ideas of a ruling-class mystic called Hegel. The dialectical classicists were thus happy to impose their 'new' theory on the world (upside down or the "right way up") -- as we saw in
Essay Two -- since that is how they had been taught 'genuine' philosophers should behave.


That 'allowed' the founders of this quasi-religion to think of themselves as special, as prophets of the new order, which workers, alas, couldn't quite understand because of their defective education, their reliance on ordinary language and the 'banalities of commonsense'.

Fortunately, history had predisposed the dialectical prophets to ascertain the truth about this invisible world on their behalf, which implied they were the 'naturally-ordained' leaders of the workers' movement. That in turn meant that they were also the Teachers of the 'ignorant masses', who could thus legitimately substitute themselves for the unwashed majority -- in 'their own interests', you understand -- since the masses have been blinded by 'commodity fetishism', 'formal thinking', or they have been bought off by imperial 'super profits'. In which case, 'the masses' were incapable of seeing the truth for themselves.


Manifestly, the concepts found in DM could only have arisen from traditional sources (workers don't concoct such nostrums -- not even Dietzgen managed to do that!), which sources had already been tainted by centuries of boss-class ideology (indeed, as Marx himself pointed out).


That is because (i) Traditional Philosophy was the only source of developed 'High Theory' at the time, and (ii) These erstwhile radicals were predisposed to search for a world-view of their own in order to encapsulate ideas to which they were already susceptible. The class background, socialisation and education to which such individuals were, and still are, subject under Capitalism means that ruling-class ideas had already been installed in their brains long before they became revolutionaries.


In that case, this new, Hermetic batch hardly raised an eyebrow.


Indeed, it alights on ready soil.


Initially, very little specialist knowledge is needed to 'comprehend' DM; indeed, no expensive equipment or time-consuming experiments are required. And yet, within hours, this superscientific 'world-view' can be grasped by eager novices -- since it relies on thought alone, and thus appears to be 'self-evident'. Literally, in half an afternoon, an initiate can internalise a handful of theses that purport to explain all of reality, for all of time.


Just try learning Quantum (or even Newtonian) Mechanics that quickly!


One only has to peruse most (Marxist) revolutionary websites, for example, to see how they claim to be able to reveal nature's deepest secrets (valid for all of 'reality', for all of time) in a page or two of homespun 'logic', loosely defined jargon, and Mickey Mouse Science --, for instance, here, and here.


Contrast that with the many months, or even years of hard work it takes to grasp the genuine science of Marxist economics. Contrast it, too, with the detailed knowledge required in order to understand, say, the class structure and development of the Ancient World, or even Medieval Society. No 'self-evident', a priori truths there!


Moreover, because this 'theory' is connected with wider historic, or even romantic aims (explored briefly below), dialectically-distracted comrades soon become superglued to this doctrine. They are converts who act, talk and behave as if they have received a personal revelation from on high.


The subjective and emotive response of such individuals when they encounter these easily accessible DM-'doors of perception', as it were, now connects dialectics with the revolutionary ego; it is this theory which guarantees that the anger they feel about the injustices of Capitalism, allied with their own alienation from it, coupled with the hard work and time they have devoted to the cause, won't be in vain.


On the contrary, this theory ensures that the life of each initiate assumes cosmic significance. Dialectics places the militant mind at the very centre of the philosophical universe -- for it gives to each of these social atoms a unique unifying purpose, with a set of eternal 'truths' that underwrite and confirm their exclusivity, linking their actions directly with the further development of reality itself. Only they understand 'the dialectic' -- the very Algebra of the Revolution. Only they have a finger on the 'pulse of freedom', only they know how to further its development.


We might even call this process the "Ptolemisation Of The Militant Mind", since around this 'theory', and their interpretation of it, all of reality now revolves (this is the obverse of Hegel's doctrine of the 'self-development' of 'Mind', which placed the development of 'God's Mind' at both the centre and periphery of this process) -- put into neat 'logical' order by a handful of trite, a priori theses.


The heady romance of being both a revolutionary and an active participant in the cosmic drift of the entire universe now takes over. Indeed, for all the world, these comrades seem to fall in love with this 'theory'. That is evident enough from the irrational, emotional, often verbally abusive, if not violently aggressive way they respond when it is attacked. [On that, see below, and here.]


But, the revolutionary ego can only ascend to the next 'level' if it becomes a willing vehicle for the tide of history, a slave to the dialectic.


The dialectic now expresses in its earthly incarnation cosmic forces that have governed material reality from the beginning of time, and which are thus written into the very fabric of the universe, just like the word of 'God'.


A veritable Dialectical Logos, if you will.


Or, at least, that is how the DM-Faithful seem to picture it to themselves.


[On that, see here.]


Indeed, the dialectic governs the nature and development of everything in existence, including even the thoughts of these, the 'least' of its slaves.


By becoming a devoted channel for the mysterious 'mediations' that emanate from the "Totality" (which, like 'God', can't be defined, and which works in no less mysterious ways), through revolutionary 'good works' ("activity") and pure thoughts ("non-Revisionism"/devotion to "the tradition"), by joining a movement that can't fail to alter fundamentally the course of human history, the petty-bourgeois ego is 'born again' to a higher purpose and with a cosmically-sanctioned mandate.


The dialectical novitiate now emerges as a professional revolutionary --, sometimes even with a brand new name to prove it. But, certainly with a new persona.


The scales now drop from its eyes.


The Hermetic Virus has found another victim.


There is now no way back for this lost soul...


Indeed, as Max Eastman pointed out:


"Hegelism is like a mental disease -- you cannot know what it is until you get it, and then you can't know because you have got it."


[Anyone who objects to my quoting Max Eastman should check this out first, and then perhaps think again.]



Salvation Through Good Works


This now provides such comrades with well-known social psychological motivations, inducements and reinforcements. They, in turn, help convince these hapless victims that:


(1) They as individuals can become key figures in the further development of history -- actually helping to determine the direction social evolution will take.


(2) Their personal existence isn't, after all, meaningless and for nought.


(3) Whatever caused their personal alienation from class society can be rectified, reversed or redeemed (in whole or in part) through the right sort of acts, thoughts and deeds -- reminiscent of the way that Pelagian forms of 'muscular Christianity' taught that salvation might be had through pure thoughts, good works, and the severe treatment of the body.


[Which explains all that emphasis on "activity".]


Dialectics now occupies a role analogous to that which religious belief has always assumed in the minds of the credulous, giving cosmic significance and consolation to these, its very own petty-bourgeois victims.


Same alienating cause -- similar palliative drug.



Dialectical Fragmentation


Social Atoms Trying To Act Like Molecules


However, because these social atoms (by-and-large) haven't been recruited from the working class, they need an internally-generated unifying force -- a theory that supplies a set of self-certifying ideas -- to bind them to the Party and the movement. As such, they required a Cosmic Whole, coupled with a Holistic Theory, to make sense of their social fragmentation. This is where the mysterious "Totality" (with its 'universal inter-connections' -- analogous to the Omnipresence of 'God') comes into its own. But, just like 'God', so mysterious is this "Totality" that not a single one of its acolytes can inform us of its nature, even though they all gladly bend the knee to its Contradictory Will.


In stark contrast, workers involved in collective labour have unity forced on them by well-known, external, material forces. These compel workers to combine; they don't persuade them to unify as a result of some theory or other. Workers are thus forced to combine, with unity externally-imposed upon them. This is a material, not an Ideal, force.


In contrast, once more, while the class war forces workers to unite, it drives these petty-bourgeois individuals, these professional revolutionaries, apart, and thus into ever smaller, continually fragmenting sects. [Why that is so will be explained presently.] In that case, a holistic, dialectical theory replaces collective struggle as their sole unifying principle -- petty-bourgeois/de-classé Marxists are thus 'united' by a set of universal dogmas.


The forces that operate on them are thus quintessentially individualistic, manifestly Ideal and notoriously centrifugal (as Lenin noted, and as we will soon see) -- indeed, as one participant in the recent debate over the crisis that hit the UK-SWP in January 2013 admitted:


"I don't know if you have permanent factions within ISO -- my experience of the movement is that they are a disaster. I assume you have a constitution, rules for members to abide by and a disciplinary procedure to deal with those who deliberately flout them. So do we, and surely you respect our right to act accordingly." [Jeffrey Hurford, quoted from here; accessed 07/02/2013. Link added.]


The party thus needs a set of anti-democratic and bureaucratic rules to ensure its internal cohesion and integrity.


Without this 'theory', the rationale underlying the romantic revolutionary idea -- which implies such comrades are situated right at the philosophical centre of the dialectical universe -- would lose all its force.


Moreover, because dialectics provides such comrades with an apparently coherent, but paradigmatically traditional picture of reality (i.e., as part of an a priori theory, dogmatically imposed on nature, derived from thought alone), it supplies each with a unique set of motivating factors. Indeed, because this theory is represented individualistically inside each dialectical skull (which fact convinces those subject to it that they alone 'understand' this esoteric theory), it helps divide each 'dialectical disciple' from the rest (for reasons explored in the next sub-section).



Divide And Rule


Dialectics, the theory of universal opposites, goes to work on militant minds and helps turn each one into a serial sectarian and fanatical faction fiend.


Collective discipline is paramount inside Bolshevik-style parties. But, the strong-willed, petty-bourgeois militant this style of politics attracts isn't used to this form of externally-imposed regimentation (since, as Lenin noted, these comrades are attracted by internally-processed, self-certifying ideas). Hence, fights soon break out, often over what seem minor, even personal issues.


Ever since childhood, these comrades have been socialised think like social atoms, but in a revolutionary party they have to act like social molecules (which is a psychological trick that lies way above their 'pay grade' -- i.e., beyond the capacities created or motivated by their class origin and/or their current class position). Because of this, as noted above, personal disputes quickly break out and are soon re-configured as political differences. Once again, these are primarily disputes over ideas --, which require, and are soon given, a theoretical 'justification'.


Unfortunately, these individuals are socially-conditioned egocentrics who, in their own eyes, enjoy direct access to the dialectical motherlode (a hot wire installed, once more, in each brain by those self-certifying Hegelian concepts -- upside down or 'the right way up') -- and they can't help exploiting that fact. That is because this 'dynamic', contradictory world-view defines them as revolutionaries.


Again, as Lenin pointed out, ruling-class theorists and 'intellectuals' have always endeavoured to make a name for themselves by developing 'their own ideas', carving out a corner, or niche, in the market of ideas, which they can only do by criticising the ideas of every other rival theorist. That is, after all, part of being able to establish a reputation for themselves, which is an essential component in furthering their individual careers -- or, indeed, for defending/promoting a patron or some other beneficent section of the ruling-class. [This was particularly true in earlier centuries.]


Just as petty-bourgeois capitalists have to rely on their individual knowledge, efforts and skills in order to survive in the face both of Big Capital and the working class, so these unfortunate dialecticians have to ply their trade in the revolutionary movement as individual theorists, armed only with a set of dogmatic ideas and an entire Thesaurus crammed full of obscure jargon and arcane terminology. Hence, these unfortunate comrades find they, too, have to ply their trade in hostile waters.


[Anyone who doubts this only has to read the writings of these characters to see how little respect they have for the work of the vast majority of other revolutionary theorists (sometimes whose opinions differ from their own only in the minutest of theological detail); their work always seems to be a "rant",  a "re-hash", a "screed"; it is invariably "boring", "turgid", even "hysterical"; the one writing it has "bloviated" all over the page. In addition, we find a surfeit of scatological epithets. (Monty Python lampooned this mind-set only too well: "The only people we hate more than the Romans are the f*cking Judean People's Front.") I am not suggesting that every last one of them adopts this stance cynically. Many have very noble intentions -- but, and once again, this is a class issue.]


So it is that these 'social atoms' have brought with them into the Workers' Movement this divisive, bourgeois trait. And, by all accounts, they have perfected it with all the verve of inveterate religious sectarians. 


In the market for 'Marxist' ideas, those with the most sharply-honed critical skills soon claw their way to the top.


As one-time UK-SWP stalwart, Andy Wilson, points out:


"Things get interesting when you go a little deeper. If the correct, imputed class-consciousness resides in the revolutionary party, and yet the members of the revolutionary party are in fact pulled in different directions by their day-to-day experience, where in the revolutionary party does it actually reside? Well, of course, if the members at the 'periphery' of the party -- where it makes contact with the world outside, so to say -- are being pulled by the class, then the correct consciousness must lie at the point furthest away from this periphery -- it must reside at the 'centre' of the party. That is why all the groups have their 'centre', and 'centralised' leaderships.


"However, in reality the central committees are also torn apart by ideological differences; by outside allegiances, prejudices, whims -- whatever it is that drives these people. Therefore, ultimately possession of the correct consciousness comes down very, very often to one person (though a member of the SWP central committee once confided to me that, in her opinion, only two people in the SWP had the correct revolutionary 'instincts' -- herself and Tony Cliff). The way that Gerry Healy dominated the WRP, the way that Cliff dominated the SWP, and so on, is perhaps not merely down to their talents or the force of their personalities, but has been prepared by the logic of a particular mindset. So, while there is no Führerprinzip involved, in practice these groups are nevertheless generally dominated by powerful individuals, or powerful cliques." [Quoted from here; italic emphasis in the original. Accessed 04/02/2013.]


Except, Wilson seems not to have applied any sort of class analysis to this phenomenon, nor does he even so much as mention the theory that lies its heart.


And that isn't surprising since he is a dialectician, too.


The fact that such individuals have very strong characters (otherwise they'd not survive long at the top in a revolutionary party, let alone climb the greasy pole) merely compounds the problem. As noted above, in order to make a name for themselves, and advance their 'revolutionary career', it becomes important, if not necessary, for them to disagree with every other theorist, which they then almost invariably proceed to do.


In fact, the expectation is that every single comrade should argue his/her corner, and do so with vigour and conviction. [And, in some parties, with no little added violence.]


Sectarianism is thus caused by petty-bourgeois social 'atoms' such as these.


Dialectics merely makes a bad situation worse.


But, how is it able to do this?


The answer isn't hard to find: what better theory could there be -- which is capable of initiating and exacerbating endless disputation -- than one that is as contradictory and incomprehensible as DM? What other theory informs all who fall under its hypnotic spell that progress (even in ideas) may only be had through "internal contradiction", and thus through splitting? [Or, as a Maoist might say, "One divides into two".]


Indeed, as Lenin himself pointed out:


"The splitting of a single whole and the cognition of its contradictory parts...is the essence (one of the 'essentials,' one of the principal, if not the principal, characteristics or features) of dialectics. That is precisely how Hegel, too, puts the matter...." [Lenin (1961), p.357. Quotation marks altered to conform to the conventions adopted at this site.]


"Splitting" is an "essential" part of this theory, and "struggle" is an "absolute". That must involve the relations between comrades, too. An emphasis on intra-party strife and splitting thus sits right at the heart of DM!


In which case, we needn't wait for the ruling-class to divide us, we're experts already!


More importantly, as we will see, DM is almost unique in its capacity to 'justify' anything at all and its opposite, both of these alternatives often promoted and rationalised by the very same individual, in the same book, article or even speech! Hence, this theory is uniquely well-placed to rationalise any point of view and its opposite.


This helps explain the corruption and screw ups we witness all too often at the 'top' of our movement.


DM is thus the theoretical equivalent of pouring petrol on a raging fire.


For Dialectical Marxists, the drive to impose one's views on others thus becomes irresistible. Doctrinal control (i.e., the control of all those inner, privatised ideas lodged in every other atomised party skull, which threaten the legitimacy of the ideas of still other dialecticians similarly so beleaguered) now acts as a surrogate for external control by material forces.


Indeed, this desire to control the thoughts of all those other 'atoms' in the Party has even been given the grandiloquent name: "democratic centralism" -- a  nice 'contradiction-in-terms' for you to ponder.


[Don't get me wrong; I am here referring to the Zinoviev-Stalin aberration, not democratic decisions openly agreed upon and collectively implemented, whatever we decide to call it.]


But, just as genuine religionists soon discovered, mind-control is much easier to secure if an appeal is made to impenetrably mysterious doctrines that no one understands, but which all must accept and all must repeat constantly (in order to dull the critical faculties).


Hence, because the party can't reproduce the class struggle inside its four walls, and thus force materialist unity on its cadres externally, it can only control political thought internally (in each head) by turning it into a repetitive, mind-numbing mantra, insisting on doctrinal purity, and then accusing all those who do not conform to such Ideal standards of heresy, or -- worse -- of not "understanding" dialectics!


In this milieu, an Authoritarian Personality type soon emerges to endorse, and then enforce, ideological orthodoxy (disguised now as part of an endeavour to keep faith with "tradition", which is, un-coincidentally, a noxious trait shared by all known religions). "Tradition" now becomes a watch-word to test the doctrinal purity of party cadres -- especially those who might stray too far from the narrow path which alone leads the elect toward revolutionary salvation.


This naturally helps inflame yet more disputes and thus more splits.


[History has indeed shown that the 'centrifugal forces' of fragmentation that operate between dialectically-distracted comrades far out-weigh their constant calls for unity. (I return to this theme below. See also Appendix F.)]


All this explains why, to each DM-acolyte, the dialectic is so personal and so intimately their own possession, and why you can sense the personal hurt they feel when it is comprehensively trashed, as it has been at this site.


Hence, any attack on this 'precious jewel' is an attack on the revolutionary ego itself, and will be resisted with all the bile at its command.


And that explains, too, all the abuse you, dear reader, will receive if you think to challenge the Dialectical Doctrines of a single one of these Hermetic Head Cases.



"Building The Party" -- Through Constant Splits


Lord Acton was wrong when he said:


"Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely."


This gets things completely the wrong way round. As Tony Cliff remarked (in a talk), it is lack of power that corrupts absolutely. It corrupts the working class, and that in turn allows the members of the ruling-class to get away with whatever they feel they can get away with, corrupting them in return.


Similarly, a passive working class allows revolutionaries -- or, rather, their supposed 'tribunes' -- to get up to all kinds of dialectical mischief. Hence, the latter become corrupted, too.


As we have seen, among the many different forms this corruption can take is the general lack of any sort of effective democratic control exercised on both Central Committees and Party 'Leaders'.


Despite the regular calls to "build the party", small now becomes beautiful, if not highly desirable. Plainly, that is because it allows for maximum thought-control. In small parties the 'purity' of the 'revolutionary tradition' is easier to enforce. 


Sectarianism is thus an intrinsic, constant and universal feature of the political and organisational practice of these petty-bourgeois revolutionaries. This keeps the party small, and helps distinguish it from all the rest.


The aforementioned Authoritarian Personality ensures that democratic accountability is at best merely formal; genuine democratic control soon becomes an early casualty in this backwater of the class war. Democracy is, after all, an external constraint exercised by the majority on the individual; hence it is favoured by the majority for these very reasons; but, it is equally feared by the petty-bourgeois minority, and for the same reasons. In such dialectically-dominated micro-parties, democracy threatens the internally-enforced control that the professional revolutionary minority invariably prefers. Which is, of course, why many such parties have latched onto the slate system as the preferred method of electing their CCs.


This is, after all, one of the reasons why Capitalists themselves need the state (allied with a well oiled propaganda machine) to impose and then consolidate the rule of the minority over otherwise democratically inclined workers. And, it is why they also need to call upon various Idealist and reactionary nostrums to convince the recalcitrant majority that this is all 'for their benefit'.


It is also why Dialectical Marxists need the "centralism", but not the "democratic" part of democratic centralism, and why democracy is dispensed with so readily, and so often.


Naturally, these distortions don't arise independently of external forces. As noted here, the malignant features of Dialectical Dementia tend to dominate (i) When the materialist counter-weight provided by the working class is much more attenuated, (ii) When it is totally absent (that is, before the working class had emerged as an effective social force), or (iii) In periods of "downturn", retreat and defeat. This is, of course, exactly when Dialectical Druggies tend to 're-discover' this 'theory', and when all of them attempt to snort along the 'correct' philosophical line.


Small wonder then that these petty-bourgeois victims cling on to MD like drunks to lampposts -- and, alas, just like religionists to their opiates.



All Hale The Great Splitter


MD now dominates and shapes the personal and party identity of such comrades. Any attack on this sacred doctrine is an attack not just on the glue that holds each one of them together, but on the cement that holds together the party and the entire Dialectical Marxist "tradition".


In their own eyes, these professional, petty-bourgeois revolutionaries are special; they live -- no they embody -- the revolution. They have caught the tide of history, they must keep the faith. Commitment to the revolution on these terms now helps create militants who, for all the world, appear to suffer from a dialectical personality disorder of some sort -- one of which is the Leader Complex.


This helps explain why, among dialecticians, disagreements quickly become so personal, and why factionalism is so rife -- and why strong characters, like Ted Grant, Gerry Healy, Michael Pablo, Tony Cliff, Ernest Mandel, Pierre Lambert, Sean Matgamna, Marlene Dixon, and host of others, begin to foment splits and divisions almost from the get-go.


As noted above, fragmentation is now virtually synonymous with Dialectical Marxism itself -- witness the well-aimed joke in Monty Python's Life of Brian (about the Judean People's Front, etc.). It is a memorable joke because everyone recognises the central core of truth it expresses:



Video One: Monty Python Hit The Non-Dialectical Nail On The Head


Dialectical Marxists are soon transformed into Militant Martinets, ostracising and expelling anyone who fails to tow the 'correct' line. Often these Dialectical Despots have very powerful personalities, something they can use to good effect in the small ponds they invariably patrol, and clearly prefer. Expulsions, splits and bans thus keep their grouplets small, and thus easier to control.


The petty-bourgeois revolutionary ego thus helps keep our movement fragmented, small, insular and thus ineffectual --, in preference to its being democratic, outward-looking and effective. No wonder then that in such circumstances, democracy goes out the window along with reasonableness --, and, of course, along with any significant political impact.


In this way, ruling-ideas have come to rule Dialectical Marxism, and this has helped ruin our movement by allowing those who divide, rule.


Another ironic 'dialectical inversion' for you to ponder.



The Road To Dialectical Damascus


Each dialectical ego acts as if they imagine that they alone have direct access to the exact meaning of the dialectic (here is an excellent recent example), mirroring the sort of individualism that underpins Protestantism, whereby believers are required to find their own way to salvation through a thorough study of the Bible and endless disputation. Among Marxist DM-fans this helps account for the intense and interminable dialectical debates over vacuous Hegelian concepts (again, rather like those that exercised the Medieval Schoolmen): for example, whether this or that thesis is "abstract", "positivist", or "one-sided" --, or, in fact, whether "motion precedes matter" --, or is it the other way round?


This, of course, also helps explain why each supplicant thinks that no one else really "understands" the dialectic.


[Since no one does in fact understand it (on that, see Essay Nine Part One), that is a very easy claim to make -- and one no less difficult to refute.]


Thus, every opponent is branded in the same way (on this see below, and here): all fail to "understand" the dialectic -- that is, all except the blessed soul that advanced that claim!


Rather like the Old Testament Prophets, it is almost as if such comrades have received a personal visit from the Self-Developing Idea itself.


Indeed, the Road to Damascus and the Road to Dialectics have more in common than just a capital "D".



Defeat And Dialectical Druggies


As noted earlier, in defeat such comrades turn once more to Dialectical Methadone to insulate their minds both from reality and constant failure. And, by all accounts this ersatz opiate does an excellent job. In fact, anyone attempting to argue with a single one of the Dialectical Dupes would be far better occupied head-butting a Billy-goat for all the good it will do. [That allegation is easily confirmed; check this out.]


However, narcoleptic stupor of such profundity -- coupled with the serial lack of clarity required to maintain it -- only helps engineer more splits, thus more set-backs and defeats, creating the need for yet another sizeable hit.


And so this Dialectical Monster lumbers on into this new millennium.


No wonder then that Dialectical Marxism is to success what religion is to peace on earth.



Disaster Central


DM has thus infected our movement at every level, exacerbating sectarianism, factionalism, exclusivism, unreasonableness, dismissive arrogance (the latter endearing trait displayed most notably by the High Church Faction), pomposity, corruption, extreme dogmatism (bordering, it seems, on clinical paranoia in some cases), all topped-off with several layers of abuse, liberally peppered with delightful phrases -- like "rant", "diatribe", "screed", "sh*t", "cr*p", or worse. Indeed, on a personal note, a leading Marxist Professor of Economics (Andrew Kliman, no less) recently told me (via e-mail) to "Eat sh*t and die!", simply because I asked him to explain what a 'dialectical contradiction' was, which he, like all the rest, signally failed to do.


Dialectical vices like these have introduced into each and every tiny sectlet an open and implacable hatred of practically every other sectlet, and, in some cases, every other comrade -- especially those who dare question the sacred dialectic.


Unsurprisingly, the result of all this dialectical infighting is that the ruling-class needn't try to divide us (in order to consolidate their power); we're quite capable of making a first-rate job of this ourselves, thank you very much.


Everyone in the movement is painfully aware of this (some even joke about it -- again, along Monty Python lines!); others excuse it or explain it away with yet more 'dialectics', or, indeed, with repetitive but fruitless calls for unity.


But, no one confronts these fatal defects at their poisonous source: the class origin of the petty-bourgeois revolutionary personality with its fondness for the divisive doctrines of a latter-day Hermeticist -- Hegel.



The Dialectal Magus


If Doctrinaire Marxism is the final outcome of this mystical creed, it needs a Guru or two to interpret it, rationalise constant failure, and 'justify' regular splits -- and, of course, to create still more of the same.


Enter the cult of the personality with its petty, nit-picking, small-minded, small pond mentality. Enter the "Leader" who knows all, reveals all, expels all (and, in several notorious cases, executes or imprisons all): the Dialectical Magus.


As observers of religious cults have noted, even the most mundane and banal of statements evinced by such leaders is treated with inordinate respect and a level of deference that would shame an orthodox Roman Catholic -- almost as if it had been conveyed from off the mountain top itself, possessed of profound mystical significance and semi-divine authority.



Figure Two: Gerry Healy Receives The Word --,

Or Is It Bob Avakian?


Witness the inordinate respect and semi-religious awe shown toward the dialectical meanderings of Mao or Stalin. And few will need reminding of the cult of Kim-II-sung, Kim-Jong-iI (and now Kim Jong Un), or Enver Hoxha. Or, indeed, the obsequious adulation heaped on comrade Healy -- Blessed Be His Name -- by prominent members of the old WRP, or that which was lavished at Marlene Dixon of the DWP. In fact, Healy was well-known for fomenting strife among party members (with added violence, so we are told) to accentuate the 'contradictions' in his micro-sect --, along 'sound' dialectical lines, of course. Witness, too, the wholly un-merited hero worship of that towering mediocrity, Bob Avakian.


This phenomenon also helps account for the personal and organisation corruption revolutionary politics has witnessed over the years (ranging from Mao's abuse of female comrades to the same with respect to Healy (on that, see Appendix A of Essay Nine Part Two) --, or the scandal which is slowly emerging in the UK-SWP -- but there are many other examples), which is partly the result of the noxious effect this doctrine has had on otherwise radical minds (i.e., convincing them they are somehow 'special' and are, Raskolnikov-like, above the 'conventional' morality of 'the herd'). This is just the latest example.


How else could one internally rationalise the pragmatic contradiction between the widespread abuse of female comrades and a formal commitment to women's liberation, except by means of this contradictory theory: DM?


In this way, we have seen Dialectical Marxism replicate much of the abuse -- and most of sectarianism -- found in all forms of religion. [Again, see for example, Appendix A.] And no wonder, both were spawned by similar alienated patterns of ruling-class thought and social atomisation --, compounded, of course, by a cultic mentality, which pathological mind-set is further aggravated by a divisive, Hermetic 'theory' capable of rationalising anything whatsoever and its opposite!


As Marx himself inadvertently admitted:


"It's possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way." [Marx to Engels, 15/08/1857, MECW 40, p.152.]



Social Psychology Doesn't Apply To The Dialecticians!


As far as the DM-'faithful' are concerned, all this will fail to go even in one ear, let alone straight out through the other. This is because they refuse to accept that any of the pressures that bear down on the rest of humanity could possibly have any effect on them, the DM-elect. Hence, social psychology apparently doesn't apply to these demi-gods!


In stark contrast, dialecticians are quite happy to reduce their opponents' ideas to their class origins or position; indeed they do this all the time. Any attempt to do likewise with respect to their own philosophical ideas --, i.e., tracing the fondness leading dialecticians have for Philosophy back to their own class origin/position --, is rejected out-of-hand as "crude reductionism"!


In which case, while it seems quite legitimate for dialecticians like Trotsky and Lenin to 'reduce' their enemies and opponents' ideas to their class position or class origin, it isn't legitimate to do the same to theirs.


By way of contrast, such theorists are quite right to point out that when, for example, union militants are drafted into the trade union machine, becoming bureaucrats themselves, their new material conditions have a predictable effect on the attitudes they adopt and the ideas they form. However, they will resist with no little vehemence the same conclusion when it is applied to them and their material circumstances or their class position.


If this class analysis is rejected for some reason, the only other conclusion possible is that it must be a sheer coincidence that revolutionary parties the world over have replicated, time and again, practically every single fault and foible that afflicts the god-botherers among us -- even down to their reliance on an obscure book about an invisible 'Being' (i.e., in this case, Hegel's Logic).


So, while all these faults and foibles have well-known material or social causes when they descend upon the alienated, the superstitious and the gullible, they apparently have no cause whatsoever when they similarly grace the sanctified lives of our very own Immaculate Dialectical Saints. In which case, faults and foibles like these can safely be ignored, never spoken about in polite company.


Until, that is, such comrades are caught with their dialectical pants down -- and even then accusations can be brushed aside as "bourgeois propaganda", or as part of a "witch-hunt".


This means that the Dialectical Merry-go-round can take another spin across the flatlands of failure, its participants ever more convinced of their semi-divine infallibility and pristine ideological purity.



Same Old Same Old?


Of course, the above will seem (to some) to suggest this analysis resembles those that critics of Marxism have always advanced. However, the difference here is that this attack is being launched only against DM, not HM, and by a fellow revolutionary. It is also backed-up by an analysis that is fully compatible with HM, even if it is completely destructive of traditional forms-of-thought.


And, it is prosecuted with the sole aim of making our movement more, not less, successful.



Case Studies


In Essay Nine Part Two -- in order to show that the above comments aren't merely academic --, I have added three detailed Case Studies (including the alleged role that DM played in the events of 1917) that confirm the above indictments. They have been omitted from this Summary for reasons of space.



Fully-Humanised Marxism


According to HM, humanity will only rid itself of class oppression through the collective action (at least) of ordinary workers, not because of the operation of the metaphysical laws found in DM (put into 'practice' by a revolutionary 'elite').


In their own small way, therefore, these Essays are aimed at helping bring an end to the baleful influence this regressive anti-materialist theory (DM) has had on revolutionary socialism, so that HM can at last begin to stand for a fully Humanised Marxism.


Word Count: 11,270


Latest Update: 04/08/16


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